O.J. Simpson, the former football star and Nevada prison inmate this week will ask state parole board members this week to release himafter serving more than eight years for an ill-fated bid to get back his sports memorabilia.
Simpson, 70, has had a clean record behind bars as he approaches his nine-year minimum of his 33-year sentence for armed robbery and assault with a weapon.
No one at his hearing Thursday is expected to oppose releasing him in October, not even the victim of the Las Vegas heist.
Prison life was a stunning fall for a charismatic celebrity whose storybook career as an electrifying running back dubbed “The Juice” won him the Heisman Trophy as the best college player in 1968 and a place in the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 1985.
Then came the infamous slow-speed chase in the white Bronco on June 17, 1994, five days after his ex-wife Nicole Brown Simpson and and her friend Ron Goldman were discovered stabbed to death outside Brown’s condominium in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Brentwood.
The resulting murder trial was dubbed the “Trial of the Century.” Simpson was acquitted criminally of the murders, but was later found liable for the wrongful death and battery of Goldman and the battery of Brown and ordered to pay $33.5 million to their estates.
If he is released, a large chunk of his income will have to go toward paying off the civil suit’s ruling. He will, however, be able to collect his pension plan from the NFL, valued at just under $3 million, without fear of the money going toward the settlement.
“Assuming he didn’t do anything bad on the inside, I think nine years is a pretty good stay for his charges,” says retired Clark County District Attorney David Roger.
Should Simpson be paroled after serving nine years in prison?
Vote in our informal, unscientific poll and tell us how you voted in the comments.
First the Senate “repeal and replace” bill that would have kicked 22 million off health coverage collapsed. Then, hours later, so did President Trump and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s hasty backup plan, best described as “repeal and run.”
Repealing Obamacare without any replacement plan at all would have been even more cruel and reckless, kicking 32 million off health coverage over the next decade and upending the private insurance market.
Republican Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia was among those in Trump’s party who declared she would not vote for it. “I did not come to Washington to hurt people,” she said Tuesday, killing the idea of a simple repeal.
Which raises the obvious question: Did Trump?
After all, many of his own voters were finally getting care because of this health law, and under the final repeal attempt he was pushing, even more would have lost it.
But this was never really about the little people. Even after his promise of “something terrific” turned out not to be terrific – Trump himself called the repeal plan “mean” – he still did not stand up for working class Americans.
Instead, desperately grappling for a legislative victory – any victory – he doubled down in the complete opposite direction, attempting to strip health care away from yet another 10 million.
In New Jersey alone, more than 800,000 people would have lost their health coverage, even more than the 540,000 under the failed Senate repeal bill, New Jersey Policy Perspective estimates. About 777 would have died as a result, based on the death rates of people without health insurance.
Remember when Trump promised that no one who currently has health coverage under Obamacare would lose it? “There was a philosophy in some circles that if you can’t pay for it, you don’t get it,” he said. “That’s not going to happen with us.”
If fact, it very nearly did, if not for a handful of bold dissenters. Absent among them was our so-called populist president.
Yes, there are real problems with Obamacare. Premiums have increased rapidly in some markets, and some of those who need to buy insurance on the marketplaces complain they can’t afford it.
But none of these Republican repeal plans would have fixed this. All they would have done is forced everyone to pay even more for flimsier coverage, and left millions unable to get any care.
If the party in power were truly interested in solving the problems in our current health care law, it could. The Trump administration can still do so, by improving outreach to get more people covered, and keeping the exchanges healthy with sufficient subsidies – reassuring skittish insurers that they’re not going to be left holding the bag.
That would be the smart thing to do, instead of trying to undermine this law. Trump and fellow Republicans need to realize that with their colossal failure at repeal, they now own the Affordable Care Act. It polls better than Trump, McConnell, or any of their alternatives.
It’s the law of the land, and they can’t keep on throwing up their hands and blaming the past president. Democrats have made it very clear that they’re willing to collaborate on improving this program. Trump can either work to repair it, or further reaffirm his own floundering leadership.